In 2008, the fledgling Girl Scout Troop 971 in Philadelphia garnered enough attention to be covered by the city's newspaper of record, "The Philadelphia Inquirer," for one reason. It was the first and only troop in the United States organized exclusively for girls of Cambodian heritage. For these Cambodian Americans, organizing a troop was simply a matter of finding interested youth and parents and approaching the Girl Scouts of Eastern Pennsylvania for recognition.

For the scouting movement to arise in Cambodia itself, however, the path was fraught with difficulties. When uniformed scouts raised the Cambodia flag and sang the national anthem during the opening ceremonies at Global Playground's school in the Koh Kehl village, their presence represented the perseverance of scouting through a history of colonialism, civil war, political opportunism, and genocide.

In the century-long history of scouting in the United States, the government has never prohibited scout troops from forming or exploited scouts for political purposes. Such has not been the case in Cambodia. The first scouting movement in Cambodia, Ankar Khamarak Kayarith (AKK), arose in 1934 when Cambodia was part of French Indochina. Scouting was then halted as the Japanese occupied Cambodia during World War II, but resurrected again when the Japanese were defeated. In 1956, AKK, with 1000 scouts, was renamed "Scouts of the Queen"; one year later, a rival, state-run socialist organization, "Royal Socialist Khmer Youth," was launched, and in 1964, all Scouts of the Queen were ordered to join the socialist organization. In 1975, the dictator Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge regime officially banned scouting.

Over the next quarter-century, several attempts were made to resurrect Cambodian scouting; each was unsuccessful. In 1999, a group of men, some of whom had been scouts themselves, formed the Cambodian Scouts. By naming Lu Lansreng, then Cambodia's Minister of Information, as their leader, the Cambodian Scouts immediately became aligned with Funcinpec, the monarch-friendly political party. Funcinpec's rival, the socialist-leaning Cambodian People's Party (CPP), soon backed a rival scouting group, Scout Association of Cambodia (SAC), whose honorary head was Prime Minister Hun Sen. Although scouting was resurrected, the World Organization of the Scout Movement (WOSM) would not recognize scouting in Cambodia because the two groups were politically-aligned.

In 2005, the two groups merged to form the coeducational National Association of Cambodian Scouts (NACS). According to Mr. Sok An, the Deputy Prime Minister of Cambodia and head of NACS, the goal of NACS is to encourage youth to "avoid and reduce their drug use, and to avoid perpetrating delinquent acts which are ravaging Cambodia currently." In 2008, NACS achieved a milestone. It was finally invited to become a member of the WOSM, hopefully marking an end to many years of turbulence for Cambodia's scouts.

Scouting in Cambodia in many ways resembles scouting in the United States. Cambodian scouts begin their day by lining up before Cambodia's flag, saluting the flag, and marching in unison at their scoutmaster's command. Cambodian scouts also study a Scout Handbook; wear khaki uniforms complete with neckerchiefs; learn outdoor skills, such as camping, fire building, and orientation; and seek to advance in rank. Instead of becoming an Eagle Scout--the Boy Scouts of America's top honor, which invokes the image of the bald eagle, the national bird--a Cambodian scout aspires to the rank of Angkor, named for the pride of Cambodia, Angkor Wat, a twelfth-century temple and UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Despite the similarities, scouting in Cambodia also has its distinctions. Unlike in the United States, where separate scouting organizations exist for boys and girls, scouting in Cambodia is coeducational. Additionally, with Cambodia's relatively low standard of living, the nature of scouting is inherently different than in the United States. Scouts have no camping equipment, only blue tarps to shelter them from the elements. There are no tangible merit badges, only a book to keep track of them.

In many ways, the challenges Global Playground faces in Cambodia parallel those of the country's scouting movement. Cambodia is still reeling from the deep scars inflicted by the Khmer Rouge regime of the 1970s, which sought to eradicate all signs of intellectualism and alleged Western influence. Cambodians with any education, or those who wore glasses and were therefore perceived as being literate, were systematically executed. If not murdered, urban Cambodians were often forcibly relocated to farms, where many died from overwork and exhaustion. Schools, banks, hospitals, and factories were closed; currency and finance were abolished.

The scars of this anti-intellectual campaign are still borne by Cambodia. Even as late as 2004, Cambodia was virtually devoid of schools because of the Khmer Rouge regime and only one-tenth of one percent of Cambodians had achieved a sixth-grade education. It is only through education that Cambodia can revive itself from the past, and that is where Global Playground comes in, having built a five-room school for the children of the Koh Kehl village. With access to education and a flourishing scout program operating at the school, the students at Koh Kehl are being provided opportunities not seen in generations. Through these opportunities, the effect of the atrocities of the past will be reversed.

-Jon Heifetz

Global Playground saw NECTFL as a fitting forum for unveiling the toolkit. Teaching foreign languages is fundamentally about teaching people how to connect to others who are different than themselves. Learning languages is about acquiring cultural sensitivity. To make the study of a language "real" to students, they must understand the people who speak that language on multiple levels, including both the words they use and their cultural values. "The typical [foreign language] teacher thinks in traditional pedagogical modes of grammar and vocabulary," observed board member Doug Bunch, "but language is a way of communicating on different levels."

Global Playground hopes that its presence at NECTFL encouraged participants to think broadly about the teaching of foreign languages and about how to incorporate cross-cultural education into their classrooms. The NECTFL platform also provided Global Playground the opportunity to learn from foreign language educators about which of the lesson plans they thought could most benefit their students. Global Playground's next target audience for the Teacher Toolkit will likely be teachers of social studies, but as Ms. Sacra has stressed, there is room for cross-cultural curriculum in every subject area.

Although several of the lessons in the Teacher Toolkit are self-contained and do not require special equipment, the lack of certain technologies in Global Playground's schools across the world creates an impediment to cross-cultural dialogue. For example, some of the projects completed to date required physically traveling to Uganda, Cambodia and Thailand to be the in-person conduits for the interactions.

Resources such as computers, Internet, and in some places even simple electricity will make such interactions easier. Global Playground is actively seeking donations to provide the necessary equipment to its schools. Global Playground will eventually launch its own platform to facilitate cross-cultural initiatives found in the Teacher Toolkit and elsewhere.

- Jennifer Rinker

Bill English, a PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science at Duke University, conducted the "public goods" game as part of his dissertation work. The game first involved allocating to each student in a classroom "enough play money to buy two pencils or pens," said English. Each student could then choose to deposit none, some, or all of his or her money into a community pot. "Any money in the community pot was doubled and then split equally amongst the players," explained English. If a student contributed nothing, the student would keep his or her original allocation and also receive a share of the community pot. Yet, if all participants made no contribution, the communal pot would ultimately be empty and no one would benefit from the doubling of the pot. At the end of the game, students were given pens and pencils--highly sought-after school supplies in developing countries--in exchange for whatever "money" they had won.

Developing economies are a research interest for English, who received some funding from Duke University to conduct the game theory experiment at Global Playground's schools. A fifth-year graduate student, English has studied the history of development aid, including projects that have been successful and some that have been not so successful. According to English, "one of the challenges in developing countries is to figure out how to sustain projects that advance the common good when individuals confront personal incentives to 'free ride' off the efforts of others and not contribute themselves."

Of the forty-six Cambodian students participating in the game, seventy percent chose not to "free-ride," but rather to contribute to the community pot, a relatively high number when compared to what has been observed in other cultures, said English. At the end of the game, students were then asked survey questions about the game and their attitudes and beliefs. "In the survey, many students reported that they expected classmates to contribute, and in practice most of these students contributed themselves," said English. This was interesting because the Cambodian students reported that "most cannot be trusted. Yet, they were very trusting, based upon contribution levels to this public goods game," said English. In addition, the students reported that "they were happy, despite poverty. Wealth doesn't correlate a lot with happiness," he said.

When English conducted the experiment a second time with the Cambodian students, contribution levels plummeted to approximately thirty-five percent. "If you play this game repeatedly, in three or four iterations the contributions usually go down to zero, if it is publicly observed that 'free-riders' make out like bandits," explained English. In Cambodia, the public goods game generated a great deal of interest among the students; some who had been playing outside came inside to watch the game.

As for the Thai students, in the one instance that the experiment was conducted with them, approximately fifty percent contributed to the community pot. The results illustrated a difference by gender; boys contributed slightly more than girls. The survey results also demonstrated that despite the standard of living being higher in Thailand, Thai students perceived health as more of a problem than the Cambodian students did. When surveyed about the greatest dangers in their lives, the Thai students placed environmental issues at the top of their lists. This is not unsurprising given that the Thai students, members of the Hmong and Karen "hill tribes," live in a region where a great deal of "slash and burn" lumbering occurs. In comparison, the Cambodian students were focused on their lack of material resources, as well as violent crime and theft.

Overall, the students at both sites "seemed to enjoy the 'public goods' game, and found it interesting," said English. The "public goods" game provided a snapshot of the concerns and attitudes that Global Playground's students hold--something that may be useful for determining how to best aid them in the future. It also provided additional insight into the difficulty of achieving cooperation when individual incentives are not in line with the group's overall welfare and it affirmed that local cultural mores affect individual responses to such dilemmas. English commented, "Hopefully, the exercise provided a useful teaching moment for the students, some useful insights for Global Playground, and some additional questions for the economic development literature."

For more information about Bill English's dissertation work and his work with the students at Global Playground's schools, you may contact him at wee@duke.edu.